Friar Rush and the Proud Woman of Antwerp

Henry Chettle, John Day, William Haughton (1602)

Historical Records

Henslowe’s Diary

Henslowe's records of the play's composition between July 1601 and January 1602 indicate a gradual emphasis on the "Proud Woman" at the possible expense of "Friar Rush":

Lent vnto John daye and w^m hawghton at the

a poyntmente of Robert shawe in earnest of a

Boocke called fryer Rushe & the prowde womon

the some of ^{the 4 day of July} ..... xx^s

(F.91, Greg I.143)

Lent vnto Robert shawe the 14 of July

1601 to geue vnto w^m hawghton & John daye

in earneste of a Boocke called the prowde

womon of anwarpe ^ ^{frier Rushe} the some of ..... xxx^s

(F.91^v, Greg I.144)

dd vnto w^m hawghton at the apoyntment

of Samwell Rowlley the 31 of septmbr 1601

pt of payment of a Boocke called the prowde

woman of anwarpe the some of ..... x^s

(F.94, Greg I.149)

Lent vnto Samwell Rowley by the apoyntment

of the companye the 9of novmbr 1601 to paye vnto

w^m hawghton for his boocke of the prowd

womon of anwarppe the some of ..... xx^s

(F.94^v, Greg I.150)

Lent vnto Samwell Rowlley the 29 of nvmbr

1601 to paye w^m hawghton in full paye for his

playe called the prowd womon of anwarp the

some of ..... xx^s

(F.95, Greg I.151)

Lent vnto Robert shawe the 21 of

Janewary [1602] to geue vnto harey

cheattell for mendinge of the Boocke

called the prowde womon the some of ..... x^s

(F.104, Greg I.164)

Theatrical Provenance

Henslowe commissioned the play for the Admiral's Men at the recently built Fortune playhouse. A play entitled "The Godly Woman of Antwerp" was acted by John Greene and Robert Browne’s traveling English company in Graz in 1608. Given the ties of these players to the Admiral's Men, this may refer to a version of Day and Haughton’s play (Morris 18).

Probable Genre(s)

Comedy (?)

Possible Narrative and Dramatic Sources or Analogues

Friar Rush

Detail from The Historie of Frier Rush (1626 ed, A4v)

“Bruder Rausch” was a popular late medieval trickster of Low German folklore (Herford 293-322).

An allusion in Gammer Gurton’s Needle shows he had entered English popular culture by the mid-sixteenth century. In 3.2, Hodge likens the beggar Diccon to a devil:

… saw ye neuer Fryer Rushe

Painted on a cloth, with a side long cowes tayle:

And crooked clouen feete and many a hoked nayle?

For al the world (if I shuld iudg) chould recken him his brother

Loke euen what face Frier Rush had, the deuil had such another (Ciiv)

Reginald Scot’s The Discoverie of Witchcraft (1584) suggests the character was regarded largely as a figure of fantasy, the fables of “Frier Rush, Adam Bell, or the golden Legend” being too “grosse and palpable” to merit refutation (498).

A “boke intituled ffreere Russhe” was entered into the Stationers’s Register in 1568-69 (Arber 1. 389) but does not survive.

The most complete extant treatment of the character in English is the prose jest-book The Historie of Frier Rush (1620), which collects several episodes possibly adapted to the stage.

In this account, an infernal council led by Belphegor, Asmodeus, and Beelzebub enlists an eager devil to put on “rayment like an earthly creature” and sow “debate and strife among the Friers” of a continental monastery (Historie A2v-A3r). Disguised as a young acolyte named Rush, the devil is appointed to serve as a scullion and proceeds to wreak havoc. He entices a local gentlewoman to make “good cheere” in the Prior’s bedchamber (A3v-A4v). He throws the master cook into the kitchen’s “great kettell … full of water seething vpon the fire,” deeming it a suicide (A4v-Br). He becomes the new master cook and feeds the Friars bacon on Lent (Bv). When the brethren invite him to wear the habit, Rush introduces oak truncheons to the house, ostensibly to ward off thieves. The friars quickly descend to bludgeoning each other in the choir, giving him the opportunity to blow out all the candles and bring an “old Deske” crashing down on the them “in so much that some had an arm broken, and some a legge, and other some had their noses clean pared from their faces” (Bv-B3v). Other antics follow: the seat of the Prior’s wagon is greased with tar and the horses treated to wine (B3v-B4v); a set of stairs are removed and the light extinguished so that the friars fall down on top of each other in the dark (Cr-C2v); a cow is neatly divided in two to produce an instant feast (C2v-C3r). When the owner of the bisected cow has a vision in a hollow tree that reveals Rush’s true identity and reports the news to the Prior, the contrite brethren compel Rush to depart in the shape of a horse (C3v-D2v). Wandering the countryside in search of mischief, Rush participates in a fabliau involving a a poor farmer, his brawling wife, and a lascivious priest (D3r-E2v). Finally, he enters the service of a gentleman disturbed by the demonic possession of his daughter. Rush invites the gentleman to summon his old master, the Prior, who arrives, blesses the woman, and releases a great devil out of her mouth. In return for his assistance, the gentleman grants the Prior an enormous load of lead for the roof of a new church. The narrative concludes with the Prior calling upon Rush “to take on his neck so much lead as would couer his Church,and bear it home” and then to take the Prior on his neck and convey him home as well (E3r-E3v).

The Proud Woman of Antwerp

The 1584 edition of Philip Stubbes’s Anatomie of Abuses relates a “fearfull example against pride shewed vpon a gentlewoman in Antwarpe.” This “true” event reportedly occured on 27 May 1582 and is described as knowledge that has “blowne through all the worlde, and is yet in euery mans memory”:

This gentlewoman being a very rich Marchaunte mannes daughter vpon a time was inuited to a Bridall, or Wedding, whiche was solemnized in that Towne, agaynst which day shee made great preparation, for the pluming of her selfe in gorgeous arraie, that as her bodye was moste beautifull, fayre, and proper, so her attire in euery respecte might be correspondent to the same. For the accomplishment whereof shee curled her haire, she died her lockes, and layed them out after the best maner, she coloured her face with waters and Ointmentes: But in no case could she gette any (so curious and daintie she was) that could starche and set her Ruffes and Neckerchers to her mind: wherefore shee sent for a couple of Laundresses, who did the best they could to please her humors, but in any wise thei could not: Then fell shee to sweare and teare, to cursse and baune, casting the Ruffes vnder feete, & wishing that the Deuill might take her when she [might wear] any of those Neckerchers agayne. In the meane time (through the sufferaunce of God) the Deuill transforming himselfe, into the forme of [a] younge man, as braue, and proper as shee in euerie poincte in outward appeareaunce, came in, fayning himselfe to bee a woer or suter vnto her. And seeing her thus agonized, and in such a pelting chafe, he demaunded of her the cause thereof who straight-waye tolde him (as women can conceale nothing that lyeth vppon their stomackes) howe shee was abused in the setting of her Ruffes, which thing being hearde of him, hee promised to please her minde, and thereto tooke in hand the setting of her Ruffes, which he peformed to her great contentation, and liking, in so muche as shee looking herselfe in a glasse (as the Deuill bad her) became greatly inamoured with him. This done, the young man kissed her, in the doing wherof, he writhe[d] her necke in sonder, so she dyed miserably , her body being Metamorphosed, into blew and black colours, most vgglesome to behold, and her face (whiche before was so amorous) became moste deformed, and fearefull to looke vpon. This being known preparaunce was made for her burial, a rich Coffin was prouided, and her fearefull body was layed therin, and it couered very sumptuously. Foure men immediately assaied to lift vp the corpes, but could not moue it, then sixe attempted the lyke, but could not once stirre it from the place where it stoode. Whereat the standers by marueiling, caused the Coffin to be opened, to see the cause therof. Where they found the body to be taken away, and a blacke Catte very leane and deformed sitting in the Coffin, setting of great Ruffes, and frizling of haire, to the great feare, and wonder of all the beholders. This woefull spectacle haue I offered to their viewe, that by looking into it, in stead of their other looking Glasses they might see their owne filthinesse & auoyd the like offence, for feare of the same, or worser iudgment: whiche God graunt they may doe. (38)

Another possibility, perhaps less likely, is that the “Proud Woman” of the play's title correlates to the “Maid of Antwerp,” a well known figure of civic pageantry in the Netherlands during the sixteenth century.

Antwerp’s spring and summer fairs were traditionally declared open when an unmarried daughter of the city’s merchant class performed “the Maid of Antwerp” in a pageant or procession. In red velvet sleeves, with red and white roses in hand, she received a ceremonial gift of sugar plums from a civic official whom she then kissed, signaling the festival’s opening (Wegg 21).

The figure also featured in state ceremonies like that witnessed by Sir Philip Sidney’s English entourage as it accompanied the Duke of Anjou to Antwerp in 1582. On that occasion, a “Mayden of Antwerp” placed the city’s keys at the Duke’s feet during his legitimating investment as Duke of Brabant, as described in a pamphlet by Golding:

The Chariot of the Mayden of Antwerp could not goe out of the citie for wa[n]t of roome too turne in: and therefore it tarried for his highnesse at the gate within the citie. This Chariot was called the Chariot of Alyance: wherein sate a damosell apparelled in Satin red and white, which are y^e colours of Antwerp: who had in her left hand a branch of Baytree, and on her heade a garlande of Laurell, in token of victorie against the tyrannies of the king of Spayne, & in token of the deliuerance whiche the people hoped for by meanes of their new prince, through his gracious goodnes, faithfulnesse, victoriousnes, and defence: too whom with her other hand shee presented the keyes of the Towne, according to the verses written ouer her head, which shall bee set downe hereafter. Before her were the armes of the Marquiship of the holy Empyre. On her ryght hand was Religion apparelled like one of the Sibylles, holding in her one hande an open booke, named The Law and the Gospell: and in her other hande a swoorde: named Gods word: & on her left hand was Iustice holding a bala[n]ce & a sword in her ha[n]d, & ouer the Balaunce was written, Yea and Nay. Before the Damosel sate Concord, clothed in white, yellow, and Orengetawny, bearing a target vppon her arme, wherein was paynted a crowned Scepter, with two little snakes, and vnder them two dooues, all closed in with a garlande of Olif, betokening commendable gouernement with prouidence. Upon her head shee had a helmet, betokening Wisdome. In her hande shee caried a Launce, with a penon vpon it, on the one side where|of were the armes of Aniowe crowned with Olif, and on the other side a Lambe with a Woolfe, and a Lyon with an Oxe, to betoken the great peacefulnesse that is looked for vnder this Prince, as wel in Religion as in matters of State. At :Concordes right hande satte Wisdome, and at her lefte hande Force. In the middes of the Chariot was a Pyller richly made of Corinthian worke, vpon the toppe whereof was a Harte hilde betweene two armed hands, which hart had two wings, betokening Vnion, Fayth and Force: and a Sworde w^t two serpents writhing aboute it, & holding their tayles to their eares; signifiyng discreete gouernement, and eares stopped against flatterers. At the foote of the pyller, was a compartement with the armes of Aniow and Brabande. On the brest of the Lyon of Brabande, were the armes of the Marquiship of the sacred Empyre, and of the Citie of Antwerpe, Upon the Armes was written Attonement. Upon the corners of the Chariot, were two armed Images, with morions on their heades, attyred in Orendge, white and blewe. The one of them was named Faithfulnesse, and the other Watchfulnes. In their hands they had eche of them a shield, wherein were paynted two swoordes a crosse, and two Dooues with a sheafe of arrowes, betokening Vnion. Uppon one of the Shieldes was written, Defence and vpon the other, Offence. Ech of the images had a penon of azure silke: in one of the whiche there was a Pellicane killing herselfe for her yong birdes: and in the other a Hen a brooding her Chickens.” (The Ioyful and royal entertainment D7v-Er)

The Maid of Antwerp’s beauty and purity typically functioned therefore to signify the city’s civic virtue and Protestant faith which could be figuratively “married” in various kinds of allegory (Peters 377-378). A “Proud Woman of Antwerp” in this context would clearly differ significantly from the moral example of Stubbes’s narrative.

References to the Play

Dekker’s If This Be Not a Good Play the Devil is in It (1610) features a version of Friar Rush and expands upon his tale's premise by dramatizing the intrusion of three devils into religious, urban, and courtly environments.

The plot of Jonson’s The Devil is an Ass (1616) also echoes the basic scenario of the Rush legend.

Critical Commentary

For What It's Worth

The backgrounds of these titular characters suggests a moral comedy with perhaps a festive or grotesque tone.

If the "Proud Woman" on some level recalled the the nationalistic "Maid of Antwerp" rather than Stubbes's sinner, and if the play indeed depicted her interaction with Rush -- a representative of corrupted Catholicism -- the result may have been a rather serious spiritual and political allegory evoking for audiences the recent, bitter contest for Antwerp between occupying Spanish Catholics and native Protestants rebels.

Works Cited

Anon. The Historie of Frier Rush. London, 1620, 1626. EEBO

Arber, Edward, ed. A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London 1554–1640 A.D. 5 vols. London: 1875–94.

Herford, Charles. Studies in the Literary Relations of England and Germany in the Sixteenth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1886. 293-322. Internet Archive

Morris, Irene. "A Hapsburg Letter." Modern Language Review 69.1 (1974) 12-22.

Peters, Emily J. “Printing Ritual: The Performance of Community in Christopher Plantin’s La Joyeuse & Magnifique Entrée de Monseigneur Francoys ... d’Anjou.” Renaissance Quarterly 61.2 (2008) 370-413.

Scot, Reginald. The discouerie of witchcraft. London, 1584. EEBO

Stevenson, William. A ryght pithy, pleasaunt and merie comedie intytuled Gammer gurtons nedle. London, 1575. EEBO

Stubbes, Phillip. The Anatomie of Abuses. London, 1584. EEBO

Wegg, Jerwin. Antwerp, 1477-1559. London: Methuen, 1916.

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